越狱第四季

韩国狗肉馆迎来最后一批食客 明年2月起禁吃狗肉_我的网站

A |     (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity.    Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies.    Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience.    Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence.    He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception.    This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance.    A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice.    The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems.        The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers.    Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation.    That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China.    China's context, however, is fundamentally different.    As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history.    This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity.    From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity.    This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion.    In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions.        Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state.    Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities.    So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies.    They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality.                    。    2026年8月，据《韩国先驱报》等媒体报道，距离韩国定于2027年2月全面生效的禁食狗肉法案仅剩数月，今年夏天成为该国狗肉合法交易的最后一个伏季。

B | 按照韩国传统习俗，三伏天喝一碗热气腾腾的狗肉汤滋补身体，这曾是狗肉馆一年中最火爆的消费旺季。如今，随着禁令进入倒计时，首尔及韩国多地的狗肉馆迎来了专程前来"吃最后一碗狗肉汤"的老食客，整个行业正逐步走向落幕。    这项禁令的落地，标志着韩国绵延数百年的狗肉消费传统将正式终结。

C | 受宠物饲养普及、动物福利意识提升等因素影响，当地社会舆论已发生明显转向。韩国此前发布的一项民调显示，超过八成民众明确支持这项禁令，近九成受访者表示未来无意食用狗肉。在2024年该法案通过前的调查中，这一趋势已十分清晰。然而，禁令也给相关产业链上的从业者带来了巨大的生存与转型压力。

D | 据韩国政府统计，超过5600家企业受到该立法影响。部分餐馆已开始尝试将狗肉更换为黑山羊肉等替代菜品，但经营者普遍反映，黑山羊汤的消费受众与原有食客重叠度很低，收益难以填补狗肉销量减少带来的利润缺口。而政府承诺提供的转型援助补贴金额也十分有限，完全不足以支撑整个行业完成软着陆。根据法案规定，在2027年缓冲期结束后，个人屠宰狗以生产狗肉的，将面临最高3年监禁或3000万韩元罚款；养狗以生产狗肉或出售狗肉的人，将被处以最高两年监禁或2000万韩元罚款。    在曾是韩国最著名狗肉市场之一的京畿道城南市牡丹市场，餐馆林立的巷子里仍能看到午餐食客的身影，但多数商家早已转向其他菜品，仍点"补身汤"的顾客已寥寥无几，且绝大多数都是老年人。有店主感慨，曾经繁华的贸易集散地如今成了"老人镇"，自己做了一辈子的行当马上就要画上句号。

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